Labour is still allergic to the E-word, says Ros Taylor. But the party’s manifesto offers hints of what a far closer relationship with the EU might look like.
On the face of it, the Labour Party manifesto is thin gruel for anyone hoping for a closer UK relationship with the EU after the election. The word ‘Europe’ — apparently still too toxic to mention after Brexit — is carefully avoided, and the manifesto explicitly rules out rejoining the Single Market or the customs union or bringing back freedom of movement. As many experts have pointed out, this limits how much meaningful co-operation the UK can achieve, particularly as it has become more dependent on exports to the EU since Brexit.
Even the proposed improvements to the Trade and Co-operation Agreement may be tricky to achieve. They are not ambitious (a veterinary agreement, help for touring artists, and mutual recognition of professional qualifications) but still depend on a lot of EU goodwill. It would almost certainly require dynamic alignment, a concession the shadow chancellor has hinted at. Look more closely, however, and the stew contains a few chunks of meat for optimists to chew on.
Start with defence
The most substantial ambitions are in the Britain Reconnected chapter, where the threat from Russia is understood as serious enough to justify a closer relationship with European countries. Notably, Keir Starmer and the shadow foreign secretary David Lammy are shown striding through the Platz der Republik in Berlin, right in front of the Reichstag building.
“Labour will seek an ambitious new UK-EU security pact to strengthen co-operation… we will rebuild relationships with key European allies, including France and Germany, through increased defence and security co-operation. We will seek new bilateral agreements and close working with Joint Expeditionary Force [JEF] partners,” says the manifesto.
While the move is framed as bolstering NATO, the JEF is a northern European alliance whose other members are all in the EU. As Gesine Weber wrote recently, defence was relatively unaffected by Brexit and in 2022 the UK joined PESCO, which both give a solid basis for future co-operation. Lammy would also like to attend meetings of the EU Foreign Affairs Council — which, given US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken has participated in them, is likely.
Labour is also promising a new Strategic Defence Review — which the Tony Blair Institute suggests should be carried out alongside the EU, on the grounds of their shared interest in curtailing Russia: “If the UK concludes a broader defence and security agreement with the EU, full participation in EU defence-procurement initiatives, such as the European Defence Fund, could also be unlocked.” The RUSI think-tank says the JEF could create a ‘JEF Bank’ to enable members to borrow at lower interest rates to fund defence spending. This might well appeal to a cash-strapped government.
The manifesto pledges to bring in votes at 16, a striking contrast to the Conservatives’ plans for compulsory national service. But Labour has rebuffed the idea of a youth mobility scheme. A lot will depend on whether such a scheme amounts to ‘freedom of movement’, or the media decides that it does.
Bringing new energy
Securing ‘clean energy by 2030’, which is one of Labour’s missions, will necessarily require co-operating with European neighbours. However, Labour again portrays it as an effort to achieve energy independence and Great British Energy as a company ‘owned by the British people’ to ‘deliver power back to the British people’.
But the manifesto also promises “a new Clean Power Alliance, bringing together a coalition of countries at the cutting edge of climate action.” Ed Miliband, the shadow net-zero secretary, has in the past spoken of Denmark and the Netherlands as potential renewable energy partners in an ‘anti-OPEC’ alliance. Norway would be another obvious partner, given its commitment to renewables; so would Spain. Ultimately, Labour will almost certainly want to tackle the divergence between EU-UK emissions trading schemes and take the opportunity to harmonise their carbon border adjustment mechanism regimes, both measures that are unlikely to cause much controversy in the UK.
The manifesto promises, £500m of support for green hydrogen manufacturing. It is probable that the new government will build on the existing partnership with Germany and try to boost hydrogen exports. It will also want to collaborate with the EU’s Zero Emissions Platform on carbon capture.
As the trade expert David Henig writes, “please UK don't talk of special deals or you will find EU doors closing because … the UK is not close to being the first priority in Brussels.” But a softly-softly, step-by-step approach may build goodwill and a willingness to work pragmatically with the UK.